As the coronavirus pandemic, economic sanctions and political uncertainty continue to trouble Iran, many Afghan immigrants and refugees are facing persecution. Given these circumstances it is crucial to ensure that the flow of migrants to and from Afghanistan can occur in a safe and official capacity.

Afghans in Iran

Iran has been a significant source of both refuge and work in recent decades for many Afghans. Afghanistan’s state of constant conflict for the past 40 years is both well known and well documented. Since conflict erupted in the 1980s a large number of Afghans crossed the Afghan-Iranian border in hope of a safer life away from Taliban occupation and the destruction back home. Iran has therefore had considerable experience of hosting a large Afghan population within its borders.

As of 2014, there are 951,142 Afghan refugees (many of whom are second or third generation) and over 2.5 million Afghan immigrants currently residing in Iran, including those who hold passports and those who are undocumented. In 2017, an attempt was made by the government to address the issue of having a large number of undocumented immigrants and so carried out a ‘headcount’ exercise. Through this process the authorities targeted certain industries, particularly within the construction sector, where it is widely known that undocumented Afghans obtain jobs easily. This ended in over 804,000 individuals being given ‘Amayesh cards’, the legal slip allowing refugees access to basic services.

Linguistically and culturally, Afghanistan and Iran are both Persian speaking countries, and therefore it has meant that for Afghans seeking jobs within Iran the language isn’t yet another hurdle to overcome compared to their compatriots seeking refuge further afield. Additionally, as both countries are Islamic republics Islam is clearly the predominant religion, yet the denominations differ, with most Afghans being Sunni and most Iranians being Shiite. Hence, the Shiite Hazara minority group typically seek refuge within Iran knowing Iran has a large Shia majority (~93%) and are thus less likely to face the religious-based discrimination they face throughout Afghanistan.

Geographically, the two states share a border of over 500 miles long, along which are only 3 official border crossings. These are namely; Islam Qala-Dogharoun, the most commonly used and safest crossing which connects the cities of Herat and Mashhad; Milak-Zaranj, which connects provinces Nimruz and Sistan-Baluchestan; and Mahirood-Abu Nasr Farahi, connecting Farah and South Khorosaan provinces.

The latter two border crossings require passing through Taliban and militia controlled territory within Afghanistan and therefore pose further risk to those seeking to migrate to Iran. Due to the length and the semi-arid landscape that characterises the border region, many cross unofficially, giving rise to a significant smuggling trade. The journey is deemed worth the risk by many which in itself highlights the desperate situation that many Afghans find themselves in when seeking a route into Iran. Moreover, it highlights the anarchic nature of how the border is managed between the two nations - something that must change if treatment of Afghan refugees and migrants is to improve.

Iran’s economic crisis and the pandemic

The Iranian economy, which remains heavily dependent on volatile oil revenues, has been hit hard by the recent global oil market crisis and long standing economic sanctions imposed by the US. As a consequence of this pressure, Iran’s GDP contracted 4.7% in the 2018-19 fiscal year and in the first nine months of the 2019-20 year the Iranian GDP had fallen sharply by a total of 14.1%. Subsequently, this has put an increased pressure on the level of unemployment which rose above 10% this year. Those most acutely affected are 15 to 24 year olds, with the rate passing above 25% which is particularly stressing as most Afghan migrants in Iran are young males within this age bracket.

Due to unemployment rising, many of the jobs within construction, agricultural and service sectors have been depleted, resulting in many jobs and other economic opportunities disappearing for Afghans. Furthermore, with global supply output of oil for 2020 set to be significantly lower for both OPEC+ and non-OPEC countries, Iran will not be able to rely on oil for economic recovery until the pandemic containment measures are lifted worldwide. This puts significant strain on those communities who are struggling to find employment and who have limited access to Iranian public services, especially considering that many Afghan household incomes in Iran are barely above the poverty line.

The social affects pertaining to economic crises have been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic and has brought along with it unique challenges to migrants and refugees alike. Iran soon became one of the worst effected back in February, and in fact is now reporting a new surge in cases with 2,125 cases in August, an upsurge of 56% from July. Accordingly, the flow of migration had reversed as Afghans attempted to travel home amid the apparent severity of Iran’s COVID-19 situation. This increased movement of Afghans, both those returning voluntarily and those forcefully expelled, back to Afghanistan posed a very real risk to the coronavirus situation within parts of the country that were already facing numerous cases of their own and put considerable strain on the Afghan healthcare system.

As Iran has re-opened the border the flow has resumed with young Afghans seeking work. Although this may benefit some sectors within Iran experiencing a shortage of labour and those migrants that can successfully secure employment, it will be a pressing issue for the Iranian government at a time when coronavirus cases are beginning to rise again.

Record of abuse

The physical presence of the Afghan population within Iran has often been politicised amongst officials in Tehran to gain much needed popularity for votes and policy making. As a result, Afghans have not only long faced systemic racism and discrimination that is supported by Iranian law but also community based racism which occurs on a daily basis still to this day. In most cases, this discrimination occurs through additional fees and taxes imposed on Afghan refugees whilst simultaneously denying their access to essential public services. Education and healthcare are amongst these vital services denied to many. Critically, the Iranian police force has a long history of abusing Afghan refugees and immigrants without any repercussions for their actions. This year, two prominent incidents have highlighted the extent to which Afghans face danger and discrimination in Iran and has renewed the debate on how migrants are treated within the country.

The first incident took place in early May on the border with Herat province where reports, which have varied drastically, claim around 50 Afghan men were being smuggled illegally into Iran. They were intercepted by Iranian border guards, severely beaten and the thrown into the Harirud river. Half-a-dozen drowned and their bodies were recovered and caught on grainy phone footage further down stream once they had washed up onto the bank. Tehran and the border force denied the incident ever happened whilst Kabul has launched an investigation into the claims.

The second incident happened a month later in Yazd province in central Iran in which a car caught blaze after it was shot by local police officers resulting in 3 deaths and a further 4 injured - all Afghan migrants. The car was suspected to be carrying undocumented migrants and drugs, so when the car refused to stop at a checkpoint shots were fired towards the car’s tyres. One of the four injured included a boy caught on video begging for water crying “give me some water, I am burning”, whilst further photos were also released of one patient handcuffed to a hospital bed when receiving treatment after the blaze.

Such abuses have caused outrage back in Afghanistan both in government but also from Afghans vocal on social media. Many Afghans have expressed their anger and frustration on various social media platforms using terms and hashtags such as “Afghan Lives Matter”, “#StopKillingAfghans” and “#Iamburning”. This anger has manifested itself not only online but also in the form of protests and marches that have taken place globally, predominantly focussed in cities with large Afghan diaspora. The sentiment behind this outrage is simple, Afghans are tired of the discriminatory treatment Afghans of all denominations receive from the Iranian state and they are demanding change.

Future outcomes?

One would hope that a thorough and impartial investigation would at least in part go some way to achieving a just outcome, however, due to current political realities this is highly unlikely. Afghanistan’s current political crisis, underpinned by a fractious rivalry between Abdullah and Ghani, risks undermining any long lasting policy commitments made between Kabul and Tehran. What’s more, due to the Afghan government’s lack of unity and direction it could allow the Taliban to expand on its controlled territory, risking the safety of those migrating across the border in Nimruz and Farah provinces.

As mentioned above, Iran also has political and economic instability it’s dealing with which may mean the use of negative refugee politics and anti-immigrant sentiment could be relied upon by politicians to drive up support for elections or policy changes. When these political tactics are used by government officials they are implicit in the persecution directed at migrants within Iran and thus endanger them in using them. Responsibility must then fall upon Tehran to make sure the policies in place to manage migration from Afghanistan are sufficient in ensuring the safety of migrants and refugees.

The circumstances both countries now find themselves in is cause for serious concern, as it puts a particularly large Afghan migrant and refugee population at risk of further unchecked discrimination and violence. Yet, having raised significant public outrage policy or behavioural changes in Iran may occur and may cause more attention to be paid to the welfare of Iran’s migrant population in general. Given the close cultural ties and the geography shared by the two countries a combined strategy and cooperation between Kabul and Tehran is crucial if the border is to be effectively managed - this would ultimately allow for a safer and more official manner for migrants to be treated.

Crossing borders: The experience of Afghan migrants in Iran